Kidapawan blast kills 1, injures 5

KIDAPAWAN CITY, PHILIPPINES (11/23/2007) – One person was killed and five others were injured in an explosion that rocked a shopping mall in this city at about 5 p.m. yesterday.
The bomb was placed at the baggage check-in counter at the entrance of the KMCC Mall in Kidapawan City, said Chief Inspector Leo Ajero, the city police chief.

The police authorities, however, claimed they could not say whether the bomb was remotely detonated or was fitted with a timing device because an investigation is still being conducted.

“Police investigators recovered an unexploded bomb in the same area,” Ajero said, without giving details.

Police Senior Superintendent Robert Kiunisala, provincial police director of Cotabato, identified the one killed in the blast as KMCC employee Boyet Alcazar.

While those injured were identified as KMCC employees Francisco Casia, Randy Singson, student Jeralyn Luis, Aniver Cahindig, and Roderick Cahindig.

The victims were immediately brought to different hospitals in the city.

In a telephone interview with a local radio station, Cotabato Provincial Vice Governor Emmanuel Piňol said, "It's most probably an improvised explosive device."

2 blasts kill 6, hurt 24 in General Santos City, Kidapawan City

Six persons were killed and 22 others were injured when an improvised bomb exploded in front of the public market in General Santos City, Southern Philippines, about 6:10 pm today.

General Santos City police chief, S/Supt. Alfredo Toroctocon, told newsmen that police authorities are still conducting investigations to determine who might be responsible for the explosion.

The wounded victims were immediately brought to the Saint Elizabeth Hospital in the said city.

Meanwhile, a sketchy report reaching The Pen Pointers On Line said another bomb exploded in front of a police outpost in Kidapawan City, also in Southern Philippines, at about 8:45 pm today that injured at least two persons.

One of the victims was identified as Boy Rivas, a teenager, whose hand was amputated while being treated in an undisclosed hospital in the city. The other victim was an elderly man.

The identities of the other victims were not yet determined as of press time. (Written by Taher G. Solaiman)

Young Moro leaders air concerns on various Mindanao issues

Aware of the significant roles that they play in shaping the future of the Bangsamoro people, about sixty young Moro leaders attended the Mindanao Young Moro Leaders’ Conference held at Isla Parilla Resort, Bgy. Ladol, Alabel, Sarangani Province on December 20-22, 2006.

Lawyer Musib Buat, a member of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) peace negotiating panel, and Dr. Armia Ebrahim, of the Cotabato City State Polytechnic College (CCSPC), served as keynote speakers in the Conference.

Buat, who talked on “The Right to Self-determination and the Role of the Bangsamoro Youth”, claimed that:

“The right of all people, nations or communities to decide their final political state is an exercise of the right to self-determination. It is a universally recognized fundamental right of all people, nations, or communities (specifically historic communities like the Bosque, Quebec, Irish, Acehnese, including that of the Bangsamoro people).”

“The Bangsamoro people consider themselves as a separate nation (Moro Nation) distinct from the Filipinos. Their existence and identity as a nation far antedated the so-called Filipino Nation. Moro land (Mindanao, Sulu, and Palawan geographical region) is their homeland and ancestral domain,” Buat noted.

“As political construct, this identity extends to the non-Islamized indigenous peoples who are equally descendants of the original occupants of the Mindanao region prior to conquest or colonization. The latter, however, are given the freedom of choice to opt of becoming Bangsamoro nationals or remain under the neo-colonial rule of the Filipinos,” he explained.
Buat said that while it is true that the Philippine government has extended citizenship to the Bangsamoro people, the issue of allegiance to the Philippine State as the only Christian nation in this part of the world remains an unsettled issue.

“Until now, many Bangsamoro cannot accept being called Filipino for having a derogatory connotation to them being an unconquered people nor under the rule of colonial Spain. They prefer to be called Moro or Muslims or better still Bangsamoro (Moro Nation),” he asserted.
Buat summed up the grievances of the Moro people into one – “injustice”.
He, however, elaborated that by “injustice”, he meant injustice to Moro “identity”, “political sovereignty”, “ancestral territory” and “integral development”.

Buat exhorted the Moro youth to guard themselves against the traditional politicians (Moro or non-Moro) from highjacking or taking over and reap the fruits of the Bangsamoro struggle.
“The poor and the humble are the true beneficiaries of the dividends of peace, not the political elites, the rich and powerful and corrupt politicians. If the Moro youth will allow and tolerate them, the goals of the Bangsamoro struggle will be reaped by their vested interests. It is, therefore high time that the Bangsamoro youth must embrace the ideology of jihad, the continuous struggle to fight all forms of injustices in the land. Not necessarily through armed struggle (jihad sagir or the lowest form of jihad) but through jihad akbar or the highest form of jihad,” he insisted.

What jihad akbar is? Buat explained it, thus:

“Jihad akbar is waged by two principles namely: da’wah (Islamic call) and tarbiyah (education). This form of jihad will lead to nowhere without da’wah and tarbiyah. On the other hand, jihad akbar will not flourish if we are complacent. Thus, defense of the Ummah (Islamic Community), whenever threatened by evil and injustice, will have to necessarily involve jihad sagir (or jihad qital).”

Buat reminded the young Moro leaders that martyrdom or to die in defense of the Ummah against oppression is equally a virtue in Islam.

“The Bangsamoro people have come of age. They want to chart their own destiny. If they are allowed to develop their own country and homeland, they honestly believe that it will sustain its development,” he concluded.

On her part, Dr. Ebrahim said that the future of the Bangsamoro Youth is seen under three possible conditions of the Bangsamoro Nation: 1) “Filipinized Bangsamoro Nation”, which is the present state of affairs of the Bangsamoro. The Bangsamoro Nation is under the ambit and full control of the Philippine government. Though granted autonomy in some parts of Bangsamoro communities, still the system that prevail is one that is crafted by non-Bangsamoro; 2) “Federalized Bangsamoro Nation”, which can be an option or alternative -- one that gives the Bangsamoro Nation some degree of freedom to craft their state of affairs, and 3) “Independent Bangsamoro Nation”, which was enjoyed by the youth of yesteryears, before the coming of the imperialists. This condition is a clamor of quite a large number of Bangsamoro.

Meanwhile, through a workshop, the participants of the Conference identified some issues that affect the Bangsamoro, in general, and the Moro youth, in particular. These issues are: 1) the recent impasse of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines-Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GRP-MILF) Peace Negotiation; 2) militarization of the Moro areas that results to violations of Ceasefire Agreement between the GRP and MILF; 3) issues concerning ancestral domain, such as the entry of transnational and multinational corporations that result to the open development aggression, exploration and exploitation of the natural resources within the Bangsamoro areas and, thus, affect the ongoing peace negotiation; 4) rampant human rights violations against the Bangsamoro people within their territories, and 5) non-reparation of the Bangsamoro in areas affected and destroyed by the decades-old war.

In the resolution that the young Moro leaders passed, they submitted the following recommendations:

1. Assert and reaffirm the Bangsamoro identity as a nation;



2. The immediate pull-out of the troops of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the disbandment of government militias in the areas within the jurisdiction of the proposed Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE), and its substitution with the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces or the internal security forces to secure the entire territories and provide protection to the Bangsamoro people. Besides, integration of Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces into the AFP is strongly rejected;



3. There shall be a moratorium on the exploration and exploitation of all natural resources, such as strategic minerals and oil, among others, within the proposed BJE jurisdiction while the peace negotiation is on going and policies are being formulated;



4. The extent of the jurisdiction of the Bangsamoro ancestral domain must include the ownership, utilization, exploitation, conservation and disposition of the natural resources;
   Reparation law shall be enacted by the Philippine Congress to ensure the allotment of budget that shall be utilized for the reparation and payment of human rights violations committed and properties damaged by the Philippine government against the Bangsamoro people right after the signing of Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the GRP and the MILF;



5. Establishment of Bangsamoro Consular offices in South East Asia and the rest of Muslim countries all over the world for economic cooperation, diplomatic and trade relations;
   Assertion of the mandate of the Bangsamoro Development Agency to determine, lead and manage rehabilitation and development projects in conflict-affected areas within the jurisdiction of the proposed BJE pursuant to the provisions of the Implementing Guidelines of the Humanitarian, Rehabilitation and Development Aspects of the Tripoli Agreement on Peace of 2001;



6. Urging the Philippine Government to FULLY IMPLEMENT all unimplemented provisions of the 1996 GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement; and



7. Appealing to the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) to support the GRP-MILF Peace Process which is INCLUSIVE in character and will provide genuine self-governance to the Moro people.

The Conference was sponsored by the United Youth for Peace and Development (UNYPAD) in cooperation with the German Technical Cooperation (GTC) and the Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID).

It was participated in by UNYPAD (Cotabato City, Marawi City, Maguindanao, Shariff Kabunsuan, North Cotabato, Lanao Del Sur, Lanao Del Norte, Davao City and Davao Oriental Chapters); United Youth of the Philippines (Cotabato City, Maguindanao, Basilan and Tawi-tawi Chapters); UNYPHIL-Women; Bangsamoro Center for Justpeace (BCJP); Young Moro Professionals Council (General Santos City, Sultan Kudarat, Sarangani and South Cotabato Chapters); Peacebuilders Community, Sulu; Islamic Brotherhood Muslim Organization (IBMO), Maguindanao; Bangsamoro Association of Muslim Youth (BAMY); Muslim Student Association (MUSA), MSU General Santos City; Community Initiative Assistance for Peace and Development, Inc. (CIAPDI); Cotabato City Young Moro Professional (CCYMP); Learned Kagan Muslim Foundation Inc., (LKMFI), Compostela Valley and Zamboanga Youth. (TGS)

CRS peace and recon program turns 10

The Peace and Reconciliation Program of the Catholic Relief Services (CRS) celebrated its ten years of peacebuilding work in Mindanao on December 12-13, 2006 at the Rend Convention Center, Vales Beach Resort, Toril, Davao City.

Recognizing that the efforts to promote and build the culture of peace in Mindanao is a journey made with a number of enriching collaborations with various non-government organizations (NGOs), the CRS invited the Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS) and other partner NGOs to the celebration dubbed as “Partners’ Encounter.”

The celebration adopted as theme, “Ten Years of Peacebuilding Work in Mindanao: Appreciating the Past and Envisioning the Future.”

The Partners’ Encounter focused on the consolidation of the collective peacebuilding work in Mindanao for the past ten years; generating lessons learned in the work; identifying current challenges in peacebuilding vis-à-vis the current context in Mindanao and in the country; articulating the collective direction for the next decade of peacebuilding work and strengthening relationships between the CRS and partner organizations.

Mike Kulat, CBCS program officer for peace and development, and Taher Solaiman, staff, attended the celebration. (TGS)

MSU officials, Marines connive to cover-up rape case

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MILF sees hard bargaining ahead in talks

After the one-day “question-and-answer session” in Kuala Lumpur last December 1, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) peace panel predicted a hard bargaining ahead for both Parties, as they are still glued to the four strands of ancestral domain especially territory. Aside from territory, the other strands are concept, resources, and governance, which the government and MILF peace negotiators have succeeded to sign at least 29 pertinent consensus points.

Mohagher Iqbal, chief MILF peace negotiator, after returning from the talks in Malaysia Tuesday, told Luwaran that the prospect for the Parties to forge an agreement is still possible, but the road to that is full of twists and turns.

“Negotiation is not an easy undertaking that only few people have the perseverance and right attitude to withstand the challenges, pressures, and uncertainty surrounding the whole process,” he clarified, adding that to know what you want even if you are rebuffed many times and how to get it is very important.

He described the latest meeting in Kuala Lumpur as very important for the peace process, which enabled the two Parties to have full grasp of the other party’s position, framework, and thinking.

He said the two Parties have not agreed on anything formally in the recent meeting, but mere understanding. Nevertheless, it was recorded officially in the minutes by the Malaysian Secretariat.

Both the MILF and GRP refused to call this meeting as exploratory talks or back-channeling talks.

Asked what the main sticky point is in the present impasse, he said it is still territory, saying the government has not yet presented a proposal good enough to interest or accepted by the MILF.

The MILF wants “more or less contiguous, viable, and wide enough territory” to sustain the proposed Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE) or State. The recent meeting is described by one member of the MILF negotiating team, who requested anonymity, as very cordial, friendly, and issue focused. (www.luwaran.com)

THE TACUB MASSACRE REVISITED

Written by TAHER G. SOLAIMAN

Thirty-five years have passed since the infamous Tacub Massacre on November 22, 1971. Yet, the memory of the barbarous killing of sixty Moro Maranaos that day still remain fresh in the minds of the Bangsamoro people.
Why and how did it happen?
The national election was held on November 8, 1971. But due to the harassments of the dreaded ILAGA (see box), many Moro voters in Mindanao were not able to cast their votes. Many of them were in the evacuation centers then. A special election had to be set on November 22.

The ILAGA Terror Gang
The ILAGA was a terror gang backed by Philippine government officials, both civilian and military. Its members, composed mainly of Ilongos, a tribe in the Visayas Island, were notorious in sowing terror among the Moro populace in Mindanao particularly in the early 70’s. They massacred innocent Moro civilians and looted their properties. Their signature was the severing of the ears of their victims.
Ilaga is a Visayan vernacular that means rat. Some documents would reveal later, however, that ILAGA was actually an acronym for Ilongo Land Grabbers’ Association.
In his Revolt in Mindanao: The Rise of Islam in Philippine Politics, T. J. S. George quoted a confidential 1973 study by a Muslim activist on behalf of a government department, saying that the Ilaga was founded in Cotabato City in September 1970 by Wenceslao de la Serna of Alamada; Esteban Doruelo of Pigkawayan, who was then running for Governor in Cotabato Province; Pacifico de la Serna of Libungan; Nicholas Dequiňa, a former officer of the Philippine Constabulary (PC); Bonifacio Tejada of Mlang; Conrado Lemana of Tulunan and Mayor Jose Escribano of Tacurong.
Some members of the Teduray ethnic group also joined the ILAGA terror gang. Their leader was Feliciano Luces (a. k. a. Kumander Toothpick), an Ilongo protégé of Philippine Constabulary (PC) Captain Tronco who was then a mayoralty candidate in Upi running against Michael “Datu Puti” Sinsuat.
Both in Cotabato and Lanao Provinces, the terror sowed by the ILAGA was at its peak in 1971. In June 19 that year, in what came to have been known later as the Manili Massacre, some seventy Moro – men, women and children – were mercilessly killed by the notorious gangsters, with the backing of the PC, inside a mosque in Manili village in Carmen, Cotabato.
Aboard five trucks, a group of Maranaos went to Magsaysay town in Lanao del Norte to cast their votes.
When they reached Tacub village in Kauswagan town on their way back to the evacuation centers where they were staying, they came upon a checkpoint of the Philippine Army.
On the pretext of searching concealed weapons, the military men manning the checkpoint ordered those aboard the trucks to alight and lie flat on the road, face down. As soon as they were able to comply with the military men’s order, the deadly command, “Fire!” was heard.
When the gun smoke cleared, at least 60 bodies, bathed in their own blood, lay sprawled on the ground. While some sources placed the number of those killed as thirty-nine or forty, most Muslim sources claim sixty persons were killed.
After an hour, a group of reporters, who covered the special election, arrived at the site of the tragic incident.
The reporters found a small group of soldiers in the checkpoint. Aside from the soldiers, they saw some civilians, apparently members of the much dreaded ILAGA gang, with white headbands checking the trucks.
T. J. S. George described what the reporters found, thus:
“They saw the small bands of soldiers lounging lazily about their checkpost. But a number of civilians with white headbands were rummaging about, inspecting the trucks – and markedly uninterested in the victims of the shooting who were lying in their own blood, a few of them still alive. An elderly man, badly wounded, prayed as his body twitched in spasms. One of the ‘inspectors’ asked him to shut up. As the old man went on praying, the man with the headband kicked him -- and there was silence. A bleeding man tried to stand up, uttered an unusual scream, then slumped, head first to the road.”
The next morning, the story about the carnage spread throughout the country.
“It became painfully clear that there had been some collusion between the soldiers and the gangsters,” as George would put it.
George further explained that “officials searched in vain for a convincing explanation. They faced the unsettling fact that, unlike the Magsaysay tragedy a month earlier, the troops in Tacub had neither the excuse of a siege emergency nor an arguable motive of vengeance. One explanation subsequently offered was that the ambush-killing of troops in Magsaysay in October had generally made soldiers so tense that at the merest suggestion of an attack they pulled the trigger in a reflexive act of self-preservation. But panic hardly justified the lack of attention shown the victims and the accommodation apparently extended to the mysterious civilians in white headbands.”
Much as they wanted to, the government officials did not find any excuse for the barbarous act. No amount of explanations could exonerate them from culpability for that heinous crime.
“The fact that a local patrol could make common cause with underworld and mow down a group of unarmed people confirmed the feeling among Muslims that their persecutors enjoyed the support of the establishment,” George claimed.
Till this day, the hapless victims of the massacre are still crying for justice.